SOUTHEASTERN N.C. — Democrat Katherine Randall hopes to secure the district 8 seat in the North Carolina Senate race.
READ MORE: What to expect when voting in NC during the 2024 election season
With a career working for a refugee resettlement agency, Randall helps churches and groups sponsor refugees in their communities. She faces off against Republican incumbent Bill Rabon.
A few items to keep in mind ahead of casting a ballot this year: Absentee ballots are already being mailed and early voting is open at locations including:
- Carolina Beach Town Hall, 1121 N. Lake Boulevard
- CFCC Downtown Campus, Health Sciences Building, 415 N. Second St.
- Future NHC Board of Elections, 226 Government Dr.
- Northeast Regional Library, David Poynter Room, 1241 Military Cutoff Rd.
- NHC Senior Resource Center, Multipurpose Room, 2222 S. College Rd.
Voters will be able to cast ballots at any of the above places and even register to vote beforehand on Oct. 17-18, Oct. 21-25, Oct. 28-Nov. 1, 8 a.m. – 7:30 p.m., and Oct. 19-20 and Oct. 26-27, noon – 5 p.m., and Nov. 2, 8 a.m. – 3 p.m.
Election Day is Nov. 5, with polls opening at 6:30 a.m. and closing at 7:30 p.m. All voters will have to go to their precinct to cast a ballot, as shown on their voter registry.
An ID must be presented to cast a ballot in the election. Acceptable forms of ID include NC drivers license or state ID, U.S. passport, college or student university ID, some state employee IDs and out-of-state drivers license or ID, as long as voter registration was done within 90 days of the election. IDs not in good standing can be expired by one year or less.
Port City Daily has compiled candidate questionnaires so voters can read up on contenders’ stances before heading to the polls this election season. All answers have been edited only for clarity; the candidates’ opinions and statements are not a reflection of Port City Daily.
The paywall is dropped on profiles to help voters make informed decisions ahead of the election.
Port City Daily: What would be your first three priorities if elected and are there any bills you would seek to immediately introduce in the 2025 session? Explain the latter if so.
Katherine Randall: If elected, my first three priorities would be:
• Raising the NC minimum wage and introducing legislation to do so in the 2025 session
• Stopping PFAS contamination at the source via legislation
• Increasing funding for our public schools, including living wages for teachers
PCD: Housing and rental costs in the tri-county region, as well as statewide, have significantly increased in recent years. What policies would you advocate for addressing the state’s affordable housing crisis?
KR: First, we need to raise the minimum wage in North Carolina. Top earners have seen their wages rise steadily; meanwhile, the minimum wage has been $7.25 per hour since 2009. With this stagnated wage, a household with one full-time worker could only afford a rent of about $400 before exceeding the recommended third of income spent on housing. North Carolina workers should never have to worry about having a safe place to live.
Second, we need continued and additional investments directly into our housing policies. The General Assembly recently renewed funding for the Workforce Housing Loan Program through the NC Housing Finance Authority, which is a good step, but gaps in affordable housing remain. We need more investment in the NCHFA so we can expand the public-private partnerships that provide additional affordable housing opportunities for low- and moderate-income families. We also need to make sure the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit is extended as the existing units come up on the end of their 30-year affordability period. By 2030, over 15,000 affordable housing units in our state are expected to age out of their period of mandated affordability, and if there is not an extension, rents may increase and put more North Carolina families at risk of being priced out of their homes.
PCD: Many North Carolina residents cite education among their top concerns for the 2024 election. The National Education Association ranks North Carolina 38th in the nation for teacher pay and the teacher attrition rate increased this year. Do you believe the state’s education funding model is adequate or would you advocate for changes — what, if so? What is your position on public vs. private school voucher spending?
KR: I want North Carolina to be known for having some of the best public schools in the country. Right now, NC ranks almost last in the country for per-pupil spending and is one of the worst states for public teacher pay. Meanwhile, our Republican-majority legislature recently passed a bill that would use hundreds of millions of dollars in taxpayer funds for private school vouchers. This is a huge blow to rural counties–like Columbus County, which is in my district, where private schools are almost nonexistent. Instead of providing more educational opportunities, it takes money out of rural public schools and would leave a lot of North Carolina kids more disadvantaged.
Public schools should be one of our top funding priorities, and that should include teacher salaries. For the 2024-2025 school year, the General Assembly set the salary for a first-year teacher at $41,000, which is not a living wage for a parent in any county in the state. Expecting counties to bridge the salary gap for a living wage unfairly disadvantages poorer counties, who will struggle to retain teachers if wages are higher in the next county over. Every teacher in North Carolina should be making a living wage, particularly since they do some of the hardest and more important jobs in the state.
Improving our public school funding, including our teachers’ salaries, has a two-fold benefit. In Columbus and Brunswick counties, the school districts are the counties’ largest employers. Raising teacher salaries increases their spending power in the Cape Fear region. Additionally, high-quality schools attract a variety of working professionals — in particular, the medical providers that both counties desperately need — because they want to live somewhere with a great education for their children.
PCD: Recent severe flooding from storms statewide, from Brunswick to Buncombe counties, have left devastation in its path, including demolished infrastructure. The National Weather Service anticipates major regional storms to increase in coming years. What policies would you advocate for to increase long-term resiliency?
KR: Another important point about addressing the housing crisis is making sure that NC homes are able to withstand the increasing frequency of severe storms. Under pressure from the NC Home Builders’ Association — an organization which has donated $4.3 million to North Carolina politicians over the last 30 years — Republican lawmakers have repeatedly rejected building standards that are meant to increase safety, like not building homes on steep slopes or below anticipated flood lines. Experts say these lax standards likely contributed to the catastrophic damage suffered in the western part of the state during Hurricane Helene. This weakening of building standards, combined with legislation to weaken protection for the wetlands that act as natural flood barriers, leaves many North Carolinians at higher risk of losing their home in the future.
PCD: The North Carolina Department of Transportation is seeking public input to determine future funding sources as the motor fuels tax — which provides almost half of the agency’s state revenues — becomes a less reliable means of covering infrastructure projects. Do you advocate for any alternative funding sources or spending priorities for the NCDOT — what, if so?
KR: As vehicles become more fuel efficient and more people drive hybrid or electric cars, we will see the revenue motor fuels tax continue to decrease, potentially leaving our roads and infrastructure in jeopardy. Out of the alternative options proposed so far, I would advocate for a Mileage-Based User Fee (MBUF) approach, which would be a tax based on the actual miles driven. Currently, an owner of an electric vehicle pays $51 less per year into the state’s infrastructure than owners of gas-powered cars. Changing to a MBUF model would close that gap.
When people in rural counties hear “mileage-based use,” they may worry they would have to pay more because they often need to drive farther. However, pilot studies show that in a motor fuel tax model — our current system — rural drivers often pay more due to having less fuel efficient cars. Switching to a mileage-based tax model would mean that most rural drivers would actually pay about $17 less per year than they do currently. Urban and suburban drivers would pay only slightly more on average.
PCD: The General Assembly has taken several measures to limit authority of municipalities — as seen in variance ordinances including tree regulation, impact fees, and some zoning policies — and the executive branch, for example in appointment powers (i.e. Coastal Resources Commission, Wildlife Commission, Building Code Council and Residential Code Council). What is your philosophy on the balance between the General Assembly’s powers and the executive branch, along with municipalities’ powers? Would you advocate for any reevaluations of authoritative powers on a specific issue?
KR: I would advocate to restore the governor’s ability to appoint a broader variety and number of government officials, particularly in the Environmental Management Commission, which is critical to enacting PFAS regulations for our water. Further, I would strengthen conflict of interest policies for those positions to ensure that appointed commissioners are not in a position to benefit from the ordinances or policies they pass. I would also push for legislation allowing a line-item veto for the governor. NC is one of only six states where a veto has to apply to the entire bill instead of particular portions (i.e. a “line item), which is a cumbersome way for the legislative and executive branches to interact.
The relationship between a state legislature and local municipalities is always a delicate needle to thread. North Carolina is considered a modified Dillon’s Rule state, where the local municipalities (like cities) only have the authority that is specifically granted to them by the state. Municipalities must ask the NC General Assembly for permission to pass a law or ordinance that is not already permitted by state legislation. Generally, I agree with this philosophy — having a state-level standard works for the majority of US states and has largely worked for North Carolina. However, our General Assembly in recent years has abused this power by curtailing local municipality efforts to work toward the public good.
For instance, legislation passed over the last decade has restricted cities’ ability to regulate local air pollution and water quality. I would not seek to change the power of the General Assembly over the local municipalities; rather, I would seek to change the attitude of the General Assembly to allow for cities to protect their local environment based on local needs. This is especially important in counties like Brunswick, where more environmental protection is needed.
PCD: The NC Budget and Tax Center argues North Carolina has a regressive tax code by requiring low-income residents to pay a higher portion of their income in state taxes than the most high-income residents. What is your view on this assessment and would you advocate any changes to state tax policy?
KR: Continuing to lower tax rates for higher income earners leads to unbalanced budgets in our state and is an incredibly short-sighted way to run a government. The recent tax cuts passed by the General Assembly result in more than $8 billion less in state revenue each year, and those cuts disproportionately benefit the wealthiest North Carolinians. I would like to see North Carolina move from a flat tax rate to a progressive tax rate so that higher income earners can contribute a higher percentage amount in taxes. If we do stay at a flat tax rate, I would like to see the tax rate remain at the 2023 rate (4.75%). I would add a removal of the tax cuts on capital gains earnings that disproportionately benefit high-wealth families, plus an expansion of Child Tax Credits for low- and moderate-income families.
I don’t support lowering income taxes and relying on sales taxes instead to compensate. Increasing sales taxes disproportionately affects lower-income families and contributes to income inequality. We need tax income to fund our public schools, infrastructure, parks, and other public amenities that make our state a great place to live, but we also need to address the growing wealth inequality between the highest- and lowest-earning residents of North Carolina.
PCD: North Carolina is recognized as the nation’s second best state for business by CNBC, but is ranked as the worst state for workers by Oxfam. Are there any policies you would advocate to balance and improve the state’s conditions for business and labor?
KR: I’ll keep saying it: We need legislation to raise the minimum wage in our state. The buying power of our current minimum wage is less than it was in the 1950s. It’s no wonder we’re ranked as the worst state for workers, because how can our workers afford to live and provide for their families? Two million workers in NC currently get paid poverty wages, which is unacceptable in 2024.
Business and labor do not have to be at odds. Economic studies have shown little to no job losses from minimum wage increases, and have found that raising the minimum wage benefits businesses by reducing staff turnover, increasing worker productivity, and providing city residents with more income to spend at local businesses.
PCD: PFAS and 1,4-dioxane contamination in the tri-county region has been a major concern for residents in recent years. Local utilities have expressed issues over filtering substances that unfairly burdens ratepayers and dischargers. Would you advocate legislation to require dischargers to limit releases of the substances and pay for remediation? Explain.
KR: Absolutely. Things have gotten so bad in North Carolina that environmental protection groups have petitioned the federal EPA to take over the state’s authority to regulate polluters, arguing that the Republican-majority legislature and appointed officials have kept the NC Department of Environmental Quality from ensuring that North Carolinians have clean water. Legislators have appointed polluter-friendly officials to the NC Environmental Management Commission, who in turn have delayed PFAS regulation proposals. We need a course correction, and quickly.
While New Hanover County and parts of Brunswick County are fortunate to now be on upgraded filtration systems, the cost of those systems has been borne by the counties and the water utility customers–in other words, the residents of the counties. The companies responsible for discharging PFAS into the water should also be responsible for paying to clean up their mess, including the contaminated wells all across the area. We need lawmakers in the NC Senate who will champion this cause for the residents of southeastern NC.
PCD: A North Carolina law, SB 20, shifted the legal timeframe for most abortions from 20 weeks to 12 weeks. Organizations including the North Carolina Medical Society, the NC Academy of Family Physicians, and the NC Obstetrical and Gynecological Society oppose the law, arguing it will increase maternal mortality risk and limit safe care. Do you share these concerns and advocate for changes to North Carolina’s abortion laws? Explain.
KR: Having been through pregnancy myself, I’m a firm advocate for protecting medical privacy and letting people make their own reproductive decisions without interference from the government. I support changing NC state law to make abortion legal up until the point of fetal viability (20-23 weeks), which was the law in our state for over 50 years. The vast majority of abortions (about 93%) take place within the first 12 weeks. However, I have known women who struggled to get an appointment or raise the money for abortion care within that time, and these delays caused them to go past 12 weeks into the second trimester. The option should be available to them without government interference.
I know this is a polarizing issue. But almost everyone agrees that a major goal should be to reduce the amount of unplanned pregnancies in the first place. In a study that analyzed the reasons people seek abortion care, 73% of participants said that they needed an abortion because they could not afford a baby. Another study found that about half of all abortion patients had a family income at or below the federal poverty level. Raising the NC minimum wage would put more low-income women in a position to keep unexpected pregnancies and make sure they have a real choice, not one motivated by poverty.
PCD: Duke law professors Ryke Longest and Amanda Martin have raised concerns that North Carolina has inadequate ethics and conflict-of-interest oversight for public officials. Do you agree with their assessment and would you take any actions or advocate any policies to address this issue? And do you believe the state’s campaign finance, lobbying, and financial disclosure laws should be amended in any way?
KR: One of my biggest concerns about the conflict of interest laws in our state is the “revolving door” relationship between the legislature and lobbyists. It is common for former legislators to become lobbyists for special interest groups once they leave office–some of the most influential lobbyists in NC are former members of the General Assembly–and this results in a substantial paycheck for them. Most states have a mandatory 1-2 year waiting period before lawmakers can become lobbyists, because there is a risk that a lawmaker may vote a particular way on certain legislation in order to secure a lobbying job after they leave office. In North Carolina, this waiting period is only 6 months, which is not enough buffer to be a deterrent. I would like to see this waiting period increased substantially to ensure that members of the General Assembly are not putting special interest groups above their constituents for personal gain.
PCD: A 2023 budget provision gave lawmakers authority to ignore public records requests and destroy public documents they deem not public records. A diverse coalition including the John Locke Foundation and the NC Press Association sent a public letter to the General Assembly requesting lawmakers rescind the provision because it “undermines the principles of transparency” the state’s public records law was designed to protect. Do you have a response totheir concerns and would you advocate for changes to increase transparency in the state government? How?
KR: Elected officials should be accountable to public records laws, period. It’s especially important to be held to a higher standard of transparency when you are the one making the law! Republican lawmakers added this public records exemption for General Assembly members to the 2023 state budget at the last minute, and it was passed largely along party lines (Sen. Rabon voted in support). I would definitely work to get this exemption removed so that members of the General Assembly would again be subject to the same public records law as the governor, local mayors, and other elected officials.
PCD: A separate 2023 budget provision expanded the powers of the Joint Legislative Committee on Government Operations, also known as “Gov Ops.” Critics have raised concerns over the committee’s powers, including the authority to carry out warrantless search and seizure of documents from any entity receiving public funds engaging in possible acts of malfeasance. Would you advocate any changes to the committee’s authority and oversight?
KR: I appreciate the desire to have a commission that can specifically oversee how government money is spent, particularly when that money is supposed to be going toward the good of NC residents. However, any government search and seizure should require a warrant. This is a foundational principle that protects from government overreach. And the fact that the “Gov Ops” commission would be able to make requests for information that are not subject to open records laws–meaning the public would be in the dark about what kind of investigations they are conducting–is concerning. Public records laws exist to hold elected officials accountable, and this commission should be operating under that umbrella of accountability.
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